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THE ROLE OF DOCTORS’ SONS 
IN THE LINCOLN ADMINIS¬ 
TRATION; A CONTRIBUTION 
TO THE PSYCHOLOGY OF 
GOVERNMENT. 

BT 

William Browning, Ph.B., M.D. 

BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

Professor of Neurology, Long Island 
Medical College. 

REPRINTED FROM 
THE 

MEDICAL RECORD 

October 28, 1916. 

WILLIAM WOOD & COMPANY 
NEW YORK. 






THE ROLE OF DOCTORS’ SONS IN THE 
LINCOLN ADMINISTRATION * 


A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PSYCHOLOGY OF GOV¬ 
ERNMENT. 

Br WILLIAM BROWNING, Ph.B., M.D., 

BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

PROFESSOR OF NEUROLOGY, LONG ISLAND MEDICAL COLLEGE. 

The important part taken by doctors’ sons in the 
regime of Lincoln does not appear to be generally 
known, if, indeed, it has ever been recognized. 
Nor, in the case of most of these participants, do 
the customary biographical sketches give any indi¬ 
cation of the medical parentage. 

Except as casually included in medical history 
and memorials, that side of medical life which may 
be termed the Sociology of the Profession has been 
but little studied. Kelly has explored the relation 
of physicians to botany, and doubtless there have 
been efforts in one or another direction that deserve 
mention. 

Such a sociology represents a more democratic 
phase than does isolated achievement or individual 
prowess. And it might naturally be expected that 

*In part from a paper read November 16, 1915, be¬ 
fore The Book and Journal Club at Baltimore. 


Copyright, William Wood & Company. 

1 



in America it would have both a larger field and a 
sounder appreciation than elsewhere. There is now 
an abundance of material on the sociological side 
concerning the profession itself. Though in its 
entirety a large subject, many parts are sufficiently 
complete in themselves to admit of separate presen¬ 
tation. 

In the historic interest of our members, to offset 
attacks on our calling, and as a genetic study, the 
gathering of material of this order has a larger 
warrant than merely to gratify curiosity. 

Since the days of the Revolution no period in our 
country’s history has been so stressful, so fraught 
with danger, and so seriously in need of wise guid¬ 
ance, as that of the Civil War. The leader of that 
time was Lincoln. The superior quality of his wis¬ 
dom in action and in the selection of his immediate 
supporters is recognized. It consequently becomes 
a matter of deep interest to size up the mental 
atmosphere of his surroundings, and to see if any 
clear element is recognizable. That he had a true 
genius for gathering and utilizing opponents as 
well as presumable congenials renders any element 
in his make-up and entourage the more striking. 

It is easy to pick out the men who officially and 
personally stood next to him, distinctly more so 
than most others, and this group became more pro¬ 
nounced as his administration progressed. At least 
four of these were his own choice; and doubtless 
he was consulted about the selection of some of the 
others. For the present purpose it is only necessary 
to give an outline sketch of each, sufficient to show 
his standing, relation and paternity. Most inter¬ 
ested readers can fill in much from memory. The 
cases in point are as follows: 

1. Judge David Davis, the private adviser and 

2 


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FCC I 191? 


legal friend of Lincoln, who accompanied him in 
both these relations on the momentous journey in 
February, 1861, to Washington, and remained in 
that capacity unofficially. He had not acquired at 
that time all the national reputation that came later 
(U. S. Judge, Senator from Illinois, and in 1881-3 
acting Vice-President) ; yet he proved fully worthy 
of the confidence placed in him. 

In the Republican national convention of 1860 
Judge Davis (as delegate-at-large from Illinois) 
had secured the nomination of Lincoln, and after 
the election “was a chief councillor of the Presi¬ 
dent.” 

Judge Davis was a son of Dr. David Davis, a 
physician of Cecil County, Md 

2. John Hay, Lincoln’s personal private secre¬ 
tary, in later years U. S. Secretary of State. Nico- 
lay, a German by birth, was the chief executive 
secretary, but Hay was the one in close confidential 
relations, perhaps more so than anyone else during 
the full period of Lincoln’s administration. He was 
very young for such a responsible post, only 23 
years of age at the start, though admitted to the 
bar. 

Hay was born in Indiana, the third son of Charles 
Hay, M.D. (1801-84), a native of Kentucky and “a 
prosperous physician.” 

3. Then came the Vice-President, Lincoln’s run¬ 
ning mate in the campaign of 1860, the Hon. Hanni¬ 
bal Hamlin, ex-officio president of the U. S. Senate. 
His term did not expire until March 4, 1865. 
Hamlin was a lawyer, had been speaker of the Maine 
House, M.C., U. S. Senator, and Governor of Maine. 
Subsequently he was our minister to Spain. He 
was born at Paris, Me., the son of Dr. Cyrus 
Hamlin. 


3 


Dr. Hamlin was born in Massachusetts (1770), 
was a practising physician, and at times had filled 
a number of positions of local responsibility. 

4. Solomon Foot (1802-66) ; never much in the 
public eye, and now little heard of. Yet as presi¬ 
dent pro tem. of the U. S. Senate (Feb. 16, 1861, 
to April 26, 1864), as floor leader of that body, 
head of its most important committees, potentially 

> line for the Vice-Presidency, and chairman of 
arrangements for the Lincoln inauguration in 1861, 
he was an invaluable aid at the transition time and 
for much of the Lincoln period. He was the most 
prominent advance agent who held over to the new 
era, a man of mature years and wide training, who 
come into his heritage of responsibility on the 
withdrawal of part of the members. 

Foot had been professor of “natural philosophy 
at the Vermont Medical School, Castleton, 1827-31/' 
lawyer, Speaker of the Vermont House, State’s At¬ 
torney, M.C. (1836-42 and 1843-7), U. S. Senator 
(1851-?), and railroad president. 

He was a native of Vermont, the son of Dr. 
Solomon Foot. His father, a physician, born in 
Connecticut, died when the son was barely nine 
years old. 

The two secretaryships, of State and of War, 
were at that time unofficially, if not formally, recog¬ 
nized as the leading two cabinet portfolios. In this 
case the long term of service of the occupants show 
each to have been persona grata to the President. 
Everyone who recalls that period or is familiar with 
its history is well aware of the fact that in the 
general estimation these two men were Lincoln's 
main reliance and his most representative cabinet 
heads. 

5. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. Seward 

4 


had previously served as Governor of New York 
and as U. S. Senator. Though he had been the 
chief competitor for the Republican Presidential 
nomination in 1860, he gracefully accepted and ad- 
mirabty filled the statesman's position in Lincoln's 
cabinet. He was the ranking member of that body, 
remained through Lincoln's whole administrative 
career, and subsequently engineered the purchase 
of Alaska. He was born in Orange County, N. Y., 
the son of Dr. Samuel Swezy Seward. 

Dr. Seward came from Connecticut. In later 
years he “combined medical practice with a large 
mercantile business.” 

6. Owing to the peculiar conditions of the time, 
the cabinet officer next in importance was the Sec¬ 
retary of War. From Jan. 15, 1862, on, this post 
was filled by Edwin M. Stanton (who had previ¬ 
ously been the U. S. Attorney-General in the cabinet 
of President Buchanan). By the necessities of his 
very important position, by continuance of service, 
and by personal association he was, next to Seward, 
the cabinet officer in nearest affiliation with Lin¬ 
coln. Stanton was a lawyer by training, born in 
Ohio in 1815, and the son of Dr. David Stanton. 

His father, “a prominent physician,” was of 
Quaker stock, and came from an eastern State. He 
died while his son, Edwin, was a child, although 
not until he was some years old. 

7. On the legislative side highly important for 
the administration is the Speaker of the Congres¬ 
sional House. From early 1863 on this position was 
filled by the Hon. Schuyler Colfax. He was a mem¬ 
ber of Congress from 1855 to 1869, and subse¬ 
quently (1869-73) Vice-President of the United 
States. He was born in New York City, March 23, 
1823, the second child of Schuyler Colfax, Sr. 


5 


The father was born in New Jersey, Aug. 3, 1792. 
He married Hannah D. Stryker, April 25, 1820, and 
died of tuberculosis, Oct. 20, 1822, five months be¬ 
fore the son was born. Small wonder that there is 
a paucity of details regarding the father. An old 
account states that he studied medicine, and then 
took a bank position to earn means for starting in 
practice. Another biography indicates that he 
studied medicine in 1810-12 with Dr. David Marvin 
of Hackensack, N. J. Studying medicine with a 
preceptor instead of at a medical school was the 
more common way at that time. His widow dis¬ 
claimed any knowledge of this, except that he and 
the doctor were old friends. But, as she was speak¬ 
ing long afterward, had been married in her six¬ 
teenth year, had but a short married life with him, 
and that some time after the date assigned for his 
studying, her lack of information on this point 
hardly counts. The positive evidence is sufficient 
to warrant including the name of the son in the 
present list. 

Taken together, the seven men named were, next 
to Lincoln himself, the leaders in the executive and 
even the legislative work of the U. S. Government 
during that period. They were closest to him in 
official and personal relations, and, with the balance 
of the cabinet, constituted his special lieutenants, 
advisers, and administrative guard. It is conse¬ 
quently a notable fact that the seven were all sons 
of physicians, and this is the more striking as it is 
without known precedent. Of course, periods of 
such gravity and far-reaching interest are in them¬ 
selves rare. 

To read theories into or out of history is known 
to be as unprofitable as theorizing in medicine. 
Still, we have finally come to the stage in medicine 


6 


where it is possible to have profitable theories. 
And the more embryotic science of history may yet 
find activators. 

To offer any generally acceptable explanation of 
this peculiar occurrence is hardly possible. To say 
that it was a mere coincidence is the simplest and 
most customary way. That, however, offers no ex¬ 
planation, and it is against experience and every 
theory of probabilities. 

To suppose that it was definitely planned, as by 
one mind or some coterie, is quite as improbable. 
No incentive or reason appears for such a vast 
scheme. Nor is there any evidence or suggestion 
of such an effort. Nor, finally, can we see any way 
by which it would rave been practically possible. 

A further view comes up that cannot be as read¬ 
ily decided. Everyone is invigorated by a stimulus 
that appeals to him. Of all the educated and 
trained classes a»d in the community, the medical 
is the only one that in any real analysis stands 
heartily and with conservative wisdom by the whole 
people. Did, then, the sentiment, the national and 
intensely democratic spirit of the time rouse these 
men, because of their inherent attitude, more than 
it did others of possibly equal ability in the com¬ 
munity? 

There is an alternate way of looking at the mat¬ 
ter that is rational and appeals more to med¬ 
ical minds. This grouping of prominent men was 
doubtless accidental, in the ordinary acceptance of 
that term; that it was so in the psychological sense 
is hardly imaginable. The drift of circumstances 
and the compelling necessities of the time had sim¬ 
ply forced the selection of those specially suited to 
the extreme demands of the situation. Because it 
was involuntary and natural makes the occurrence 
the more significant. 


7 


We can grant that this combination of talent was 
just a coincidence—and yet draw a long bow. It 
affords strong evidence—perhaps the strongest pos¬ 
sible—of the superior intellectual value of medical 
training and heredity. And those who attribute 
thereto an educational quality of basic character 
may see a direct verification in this development at 
a national crisis. 

Besides his leading official mainstays it may be 
noted that Lincoln’s leading competitors in the na¬ 
tional campaigns of the period afford parallel illus¬ 
trations. Seward has been mentioned above. 

8. A leading opponent, both before and in the 
campaign of 1860, was Stephen A. Douglas, LL.D., 
United States Senator from Illinois. And it was 
with Douglas that Lincoln had just previously held 
the series of public debates that so stirred the na¬ 
tion. On the popular vote at the election Douglas 
was next to Lincoln, though behind Breckenridge 
and Bell on the electoral count. ‘‘Socially they were 
on friendly terms,” and Douglas even held Lincoln’s 
hat during the inauguration at Washington. 

Douglas was born in Vermont, the only son of 
Stephen Arnold Douglas. The father, “a native of 
New York State and a prominent physician,” died 
suddenly when his son was two months old. 

9. In the campaign of 1864 Lincoln’s opponent 
was George B. McClellan, General-in-Chief, U. S. A. 
General McClellan was a native of Philadelphia, the 
son of George McClellan, M.D. Dr. McClellan was 
born in Connecticut in 1796 and was widely known 
as a surgeon and professor of surgery. 

That all talent of this kind was not exhausted in 
the first line trenches, to use a phrase of to-day, 
might be shown by innumerable examples; that, 
however, would not affect the main “exhibit.” 


8 


It is natural in this relation to turn back for 
comparison to that other time of national tribula¬ 
tion, the Revolution. The surprising number of 
medical men who were signers of the Declaration 
of Independence has long been a matter of note. 
There were at least six with medical training, four 
of them practitioners. And in close correspond¬ 
ence with this is the fact that the Mecklenburg 
declaration in 1775 was written by Dr. Brevard, a 
surgeon. 

At the Lincoln period, nearly ninety years later, 
the mantle of the fathers may be said, profession¬ 
ally speaking, to have descended to the children. 

54 Lefferts Place. 


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